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Clifford Geertz  The interpretation of cultures: They resolve so many fundamental problems at once that they seem also to promise that they will resolve all fundamental problems, clarify all obscure issues. Everyone snaps them up as the open sesame of some new positive science, the conceptual center-point around which a comprehensive system of analysis can be built.
We try it in every connection, for every purpose, experiment with possible stretches of its strict meaning, with generalizetions and derivatives.
A few zealots persist in the old key-to-the-universe view of it; but less driven thinkers settle down after a while to the problems the idea has really generated.
They try to apply it and extend it where it applies and where it is capable of extension; and they desist where it does not apply or cannot be extended. It becomes, if it was, in truth, a seminal idea in the first place, a permanent and enduring part of our intellectual armory.
But it no longer has the grandiose, all-promising scope, the infinite versatility of apparent application, it once had. The An analysis of the approach of clifford geertzs the raid law of thermodynamics, or the principle of natural selection, or the notion of unconscious motivation, or the organization of the means of production does not explain everything, not even everything human, but it still explains something; and our attention shifts to isolating just what that something is, to disentangling ourselves from a lot of pseudoscience to which, in the first flush of its celebrity, it has also given rise.
But certainly this pattern fits the concept of culture, around which the whole discipline of anthropology arose, and whose domination that discipline has been increasingly concerned to limit, specify, focus, and contain.
They all argue, sometimes explicitly, more often merely through the particular analysis they develop, for a narrowed, specialized, and, so I imagine, theoretically more powerful concept of culture to replace E.
In some twenty-seven pages of his chapter on the concept, Kluckhohn managed to define culture in turn as: In the face of this sort of theoretical diffusion, even a somewhat constricted and not entirely standard concept of culture, which is at least internally coherent and, more important, which has a definable argument to make is as, to be fair, Kluckhohn himself keenly realized an improvement.
Eclecticism is self-defeating not because there is only one direction in which it is useful to move, but because there are so many: The concept of culture I espouse, and whose utility the essays below attempt to demonstrate, is essentially a semiotic one.
Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning.
It is explication I am after, construing social expressions on their surface enigmatical. But this pronouncement, a doctrine in a clause, demands itself some explication.
But it had, for all that, an important point to make, which, however we may feel about trying to define charisma or alienation in terms of operations, retains a certain force: In anthropology, or anyway social anthropology, what the practioners do is ethnography.
And it is in understanding what ethnography is, or more exactly what doing ethnography is, that a start can be made toward grasping what anthropological analysis amounts to as a form of knowledge.
This, it must immediately be said, is not a matter of methods. From one point of view, that of the textbook, doing ethnography is establishing rapport, selecting informants, transcribing texts, taking genealogies, mapping fields, keeping a diary, and so on.
But it is not these things, techniques and received procedures, that define the enterprise. What defines it is the kind of intellectual effort it is: Consider, he says, two boys rapidly contracting the eyelids of their right eyes.
In one, this is an involuntary twitch; in the other, a conspiratorial signal to a friend.
Yet the difference, however unphotographable, between a twitch and a wink is vast; as anyone unfortunate enough to have had the first taken for the second knows.
The winker is communicating, and indeed communicating in a quite precise and special way: As Ryle points out, the winker has not done two things, contracted his eyelids and winked, while the twitcher has done only one, contracted his eyelids.
Contracting your eyelids on purpose when there exists a public code in which so doing counts as a conspiratorial signal is winking. That, however, is just the beginning. He, of course, does this in the same way the second boy winked and the first twitched: Only now it is not conspiracy but ridicule that is in the air.
If the others think he is actually winking, his whole project misfires as completely, though with somewhat different results, as if they think he is twitching.
One can go further: Complexities are possible, if not practically without end, at least logically so. The original winker might, for example, actually have been fake-winking, say, to mislead outsiders into imagining there was a conspiracy afoot when there in fact was not, in which case our descriptions of what the parodist is parodying and the rehearser is rehearsing of course shift accordingly.
Like so many of the little stories Oxford philosophers like to make up for themselves, all this winking, fake-winking, burlesque-fake-winking, rehearsed-burlesque-fake-winking, may seem a bit artificial.
They set up twenty or so small forts between here, the town, and the Marmusha area up in the middle of the mountains, placing them on promontories so they could survey the countryside. One night, when Cohen who speaks fluent Berber was up there at Marmusha two other Jews who were traders to a neighboring tribe came by to purchase some goods from him.
Traditionally, Jews were not allowed to carry weapons; but at this period things were so unsettled many did so anyway. This attracted the attention of the French and the marauders fled.
The next night, however, they came back, and one of them disguised as a woman who knocked on the door with some sort of a story. They killed the two visiting Jews, but Cohen managed to barricade himself in an adjoining room.“Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight” Clifford Geertz Reprinted from The Interpretation of Cultures The Raid Early in April of , my wife and I arrived, malarial and diffident, in a Balinese village we intended, as anthropologists, to study.
Human society comes an analysis of the approach of clifford geertzs the raid with an analysis of book of the dead a great number of diverse opinions, but there are at least some basic ideas we should all be able a comparison of heroes a literary analysis of allegory of the cave by plato to agree on: Racism is bad, hate.
a research on juvenile delinquency in the greco roman world Statements. May 07, · "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight" is one of Clifford Geertz's most influential articles which illustrates not only the meaning of a given cultural phenomenon, the Balinese cockfight, but also Geertz's interpretative approach that sees a culture as a Author: אני.
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The Geertzs ' acceptance by the villagers came about as a result of the "Raid" which Geertz has described thoroughly in the text. The behavior of the Geertzs during the Raid opens them up to all kinds of the Balinese jokes and teases.
When Clifford Geertz and his wife first arrived in Bali, they were largely ignored by the villagers. This continued until the day of a raid on an illegal cockfight that they were attending. They ran and hid with a Balinese man and his wife, and when the police came to investigate, the man covered for them.